Why the NATO Spending Benchmark Just Doesn’t Make Sense
- Dennis Dodo
- Jun 22
- 5 min read
OPINION · GEOPOLITICS

The push to 5% of GDP isn’t about security. It’s a business model — and peaceful countries are being asked to keep buying things they don’t need.
Published Apri 9th, 2026 – Aiden Consulting
You’ve probably heard the news. NATO wants its members to spend more on defence. First the target was 2% of GDP. Now some voices are pushing for 2.5% — or even 5%. On the surface, that sounds responsible. The world feels more dangerous. Russia is aggressive. China is rising. But if you stop and actually think about what that means, the whole argument starts to fall apart.
Spending 5% of your country’s entire economic output on weapons, every single year, forever, only makes sense under two conditions: either you plan to fight endless wars to burn through the inventory, or you’re behaving like a teenager who keeps buying things they’ll never use. Collecting weapons as though they were Air Jordans.
For peaceful countries like Canada and Denmark, neither of those options fits.
“More spending means more jets, more ships, more missiles — and more profits. This is not a conspiracy theory. It is how the military-industrial complex works.” |
Who Actually Benefits?
Before we go further, we have to be honest about something. The push for higher defence spending is not purely a security question — it is also a well-funded lobby position. Defence contractors like Lockheed Martin, Boeing, and Raytheon have every financial incentive to keep the percentage high. They lobby Congress. They lobby NATO summits. They fund think tanks that publish urgent warnings about collective unpreparedness.
This isn’t a conspiracy theory. It’s how the military-industrial complex has worked for decades. So when someone tells you that Canada or Denmark needs to hit 5%, it’s worth asking: who benefits? The answer is not the average Canadian or Danish citizen.
The Math Doesn’t Work
The NATO benchmark ignores something fundamental. Weapons are not groceries. You don’t consume them weekly and reorder. Military equipment lasts for decades.
Take the F-35 fighter jet — one of the most expensive machines ever built. Canada is acquiring 88 of them for roughly $30 billion. That is a significant investment. But an F-35 has a designed service life of approximately 8,000 flight hours, which translates to 20 or 30 years of operational use under normal conditions. Once Canada buys its share, what exactly are they supposed to spend the following year’s 5% on? More jets? They don’t have enough pilots. They don’t have the hangar space. And they’re not in a shooting war that burns through flight hours.
Consider the Leopard 2 tank. Canada acquired most of its fleet in 2007 and 2011, with plans to keep them in service until at least 2035 — nearly 30 years. The recent maintenance contract for that fleet is worth approximately $2 billion over a decade. That sounds significant until you realise that 2% of Canada’s GDP is already over $40 billion per year, and 5% would exceed $100 billion annually. You’d be spending $100 billion a year to sustain a fleet whose upkeep runs to $200 million.
“Once a peaceful country has bought its jets, helicopters, ships, and tanks — the only way to justify spending another 5% the following year is to use those weapons until they break.” |
The Terrible Incentive
And that is exactly what the defence industry wants. They don’t care whether you fight a war or simply fly your jets in circles until the airframes crack. Either way, you’ll need replacements.
A smart, mature country would do the opposite. It would make the big upfront investment, buy what it needs to defend itself, then shift into sustainment mode. Pay for maintenance, fuel, and salaries. That is a fraction of the cost of perpetual procurement cycles.
But the NATO benchmark doesn’t reward that kind of strategic maturity. It rewards spending for the sake of spending. It treats national defence like a subscription service: pay 5% of GDP every year, or be labelled a freeloader.
Context Matters
Poland spending 5% makes strategic sense. They share a border with Russia. They are buying Apache helicopters and K2 tanks as quickly as contracts can be signed. Good for them.
Canada shares a border with the United States. Its most plausible military threat is drifting into Arctic ice. Denmark is primarily concerned with Greenland and keeping northern shipping lanes open. Neither country requires 5% of GDP in perpetuity to address those challenges.
“At some point, you have to ask a simple question: what is the actual goal? Is it to maintain a capable, modern military — or to hit an arbitrary percentage so Washington doesn’t complain?” |
Where the Hardware Actually Ends Up
There is a final destination for all this surplus that rarely gets mentioned in polite NATO discussions. In the United States, military equipment that doesn’t get destroyed in combat, shipped to allies, or donated abroad ends up auctioned off — openly, legally, to anyone with an account and a shipping address.
The platform is called GovPlanet. It is operated by Ritchie Bros., one of the world’s largest auction houses, under contract to offload government surplus. On any given week you can browse Humvees, military cargo trucks, generator sets, field gear, ammo cans, military trailers, and more. The listings are public. The bidding is open. The buyers are not screened beyond standard legal requirements. Now you know where those right-wing militias get all that gear they parade around on social media.
This is where the loop closes. The taxpayer funds the procurement. The defence industry collects the margin. The equipment cycles through active service — or sits in a depot — and then a meaningful slice of it flows quietly into the secondary market at pennies on the dollar.
“The taxpayer funds the procurement. The defence industry collects the margin. Then the leftovers get auctioned off — openly, legally — to whoever shows up.” |
The point is not that GovPlanet is doing anything illegal. It isn’t. The point is that this is what systemic overproduction looks like at the end of the chain. When you spend more than you need, for longer than you need to, the excess has to go somewhere. And in America, it goes to the auction block.
That is not a defence strategy. That is a supply chain with a PR problem.
Conclusion
For a peaceful country, there is no coherent logic that supports spending 5% of national wealth on weapons every single year, indefinitely. The math doesn’t close without one of two assumptions: either defence budgets eventually plateau once equipment needs are met, or countries accept that they’ll fight endless wars to justify perpetual purchasing.
There is a third path — and it looks suspiciously like the one we’re already on. Perpetual adolescence. Buying expensive hardware to prove to the biggest kid on the block that we’re grown up. Shipping some of it abroad as foreign aid. Auctioning the rest off when the warehouses get full.
And the cynical part? Every stage of that cycle — procurement, donation, liquidation — is profitable for someone. Just not for the taxpayer who funded it.
“The emperor of the 5% benchmark has no clothes. Or at least, no logistical need for a fourth fighter squadron — and a Humvee on GovPlanet going for $4,200 to prove it.” |
Published April 9, 2026 – Aiden Consulting
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END OF ANALYSIS



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